Tuesday, February 6, 2007

Clear Thinking about the HPV Vaccine [Serge]

My feelings about this vaccine have not been solidified at this time, so my thoughts are provisional. I am very uncomfortable with the idea of any "mandatory" vaccine, even if there is a way for a parent to opt out. However, the question I wish to explore is whether the pro-life community should oppose making this vaccine available to parents who wish to have their daughters vaccinated. I also am well aware that many are uncomfortable with the whole idea of vaccinations, so for the sake of this discussion I will assume the vaccine is safe and effective.

First, a description. The HPV vaccine protects against four subtypes of HPV. Two subtypes are known for their association with cervical cancer, and two are associated with genital warts (these are subtypes 6 and 11). When present genitally, these lesions are almost always contracted through sexual activity. However, there are other lesions associated with subtypes 6 and 11 that are not contracted sexually. For example, I frequently remove oral papillomas, which are caused by 6 and 11 and are not contracted sexually (they are frequent in children).

Ed makes this argument in the comments:

We are facing one of those issues in Colorado. For instance, we have a "pro-life" legislator sponsoring a mandatory HPV vaccination bill which will inevitably increase early sexual activity (by making kids feel even more invincible), and thereby also unwanted pregnancy and abortion. He scoffs at the connection, but it's obvious to those of us who see the "life-cycle" of the abortion mindset in young people.
I do not find this argument compelling. I do not believe that teenage sexual activity will increase due to this vaccine. This argument assumes that there are a number of teen girls are staying sexually pure solely in order to avoid HPV. If they are vaccinated, then they will see no reason to be pure, so they will engage in sexual activity thus increasing their risk of pregnancy and subsequent abortion.

The problem is this: where are these girls? I'm not sure any girl is avoiding sexual activity solely to avoid HPV. In fact, I believe that most girls are unaware of HPV, including its method of transmission (which can be skin to skin) and association with genital warts and cervical cancer. If this is the case, I cannot see why these vaccinations will give them the feeling of vulnerability.

Like most health professionals, I have been vaccinated against Hep B, which is spread like HIV and is frequently contracted sexually. My staff have also been vaccinated, and I don't believe the fact that they have been vaccinated have increased their "invulnerability" to sex. I just don't see it.

If the pro-life community chooses to require opposition to this vaccine as a requirement for endorsement, we need far better arguments than this one. At this point in time, I'm not sure a better one exists.

Update: It looks like Eugene Volokh has also chosen this topic to blog about. His analysis is here.

Saturday, February 3, 2007

A, B, C, or D? (AKA SK’s can of worms) [Jay]

As a member of a 501(c)(3) I will change the names on this hypothetical to protect the job of this writer. Boris is the man, Doris is the junior Senator from New York. (Oops, did I give something away?)

The first problem I have with this scenario(RE: WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO VOTE PRO-LIFE? [SK]) is that if Boris and Doris are facing each other in the next general election we are in terrible trouble. Let me explain my concern. Conventional wisdom in primary elections is to energize the voting base and secure the support of the true believers. For the Republicans, this means you do not get out of the primary without some support from the pro-life evangelicals. But Boris did? Boris secured the party nomination without promising to protect the lives of the unborn. That means that the political strength of the pro-life movement is exposed as insufficient to sway a primary.

The general election is about running to the middle to secure the small percentage of votes that are actually up for grabs. If Boris got through without the support of pro-life voters, we do not represent a “voting block” threat to him in the general election. So the idea that we could punish him and the Republican party is out the window. Doris is a nightmare across the board on issues I care about so it will be a frosty one in Gehenna before this chap taps the computer screen for her. The live options are vote Boris, vote third party, or do not vote.

I could attempt to secure some measure of assurances from him about what he would do in given scenarios, but the truth is Boris thinks that it is moral to terminate the lives of innocent human beings for elective reasons. He can not represent me. This is a personal decision, not a moral judgement on how my brothers and sisters in the pro-life movement may or may not tactically maneuver. Scott was dead right in stressing that we all have the same goal. Zero abortions and full protection of the unborn. I know that Scott is pouring his life out in service to our nation and the humanity of the unborn, so it is wrong headed for tactical differences to result in one side impugning the passion or dedication of the other.

I am reminded of Frederick Douglass and Lincoln again. Douglass knew that in order for slavery to end the abolitionists (no compromise, moralist) would have to form broad coalitions with anyone and everyone who was working to undermine the institution of slavery including anti-slavery Republicans. Lincoln hated slavery, but he was not the ideological zealot that Douglass was. Anti-slavery forces saw the spread of slavery as a threat to the Union and a source of power for the increasingly demanding Southern sates. I read where many historians were confused by Douglass pulling his support on the eve of the victory of the first true anti-slavery president of the United States after speaking in support of Lincoln and working within the broad coalition. His statement was simple. “I can not vote for Mr. Lincoln.”

History proved Lincoln to be the man that our country needed to expel the evil of slavery, but Douglass did not have that vantage point. Neither do I. I do not claim to know what Mr. Douglass felt. All I know is that in the midst of all of this I can only vote my conscience and pray. I can not vote for Boris. Not because I care more than anyone else about abortion or because abortion bothers me more than anyone else. I just can’t.

I believe the incremental approach is our only choice. I believe in broad coalitions of all who hate abortion and seek to end its tyranny in the United States and all over the world. Inside the voting booth, however, I am just Jay trying to figure out what I am supposed to do. I can not vote for Boris and I will not vote for Doris. I guess that I am sitting this one out, because writing it in is the same thing. For the record, I think Scott and Dr. Beckwith are right.

When Compromise Isn't Good [SK]

Melinda Penner writes about a disturbing Pew Research poll released last year. Bottom line: The poll shows that most Americans, including most Christians, don't understand the fundamental questions at the heart of the abortion controversy. Sixty-six percent of American and 6 out of 10 Christians prefer compromise and a "middle ground."

These poll answers are not short-term, tactical moves to save some lives until we can save more. These are final answers.

As Penner writes,
There is no middle ground when the question is whether a human being is being killed. How many human beings should the compromise allow to die? What middle ground do Christians suggest we settle on? It's an either or question: a baby dies or doesn't die. There is nothing in the middle.

Should we compromise on the question of how many children we should allow to be sexually molested? Should we find middle ground on how many abused children we'll put up with? Of course not. It comes back to the same issue: What is the unborn? And if she is a human being, doesn't the right to life belong to her? If the unborn is not a human being, then why have any restrictions? Compromise doesn't make sense on either side of this debate. Compromise isn't an answer for the unborn....

It's pathetic that a majority of Christians could contemplate that there is a middle position on abortion. Will pastors who fear controversial issues look at this number and resolve to preach and teach on this issue when 60% of the people sitting in their pews think there's some number of dead unborn babies we can tolerate? How can Christians, who should believe in the divine image every human bears, condone "middle ground." They have no idea what is at stake.

Links: Moral Ideals and Political Realities [SK]

Our opponents understand that incrementalism works. Having first established a right to doctor-assisted suicide for terminally ill patients, Switzerland will now allow it for mentally ill patients.

Meanwhile, Troy Newman of Operation Rescue makes good sense of the South Dakota defeat. Here's the question he tackles: Pro-lifers tried to enact a total ban on abortion and lost. So what's next? Do we do nothing legislatively (since we cannot get everything we want) or should we support a less than perfect ban that saves some lives but not all? Troy nails it: We should strive to save as many lives as possible given current political realities. He's worth quoting at length:

The theory (and utmost desire) of the pro-life movement is to save 100% of all abortion-bound babies. This was soundly defeated. But realistically, we could save 99% of the babies who are “headed for the slaughter” by passing an “imperfect” ban bill. While we can’t save them all, we can save the vast majority. If it is within our ability to save even ONE innocent life unjustly scheduled for death, we are morally obligated to do it.

Some pundits wronging hypothesize that what I am endorsing is akin to lining up ten uncondemned people, and then choosing which ones I will murder. This is, as my friend Randy says, “Stinkin’ thinkin’” and turns logic and reality on its ear.

A better analogy that is closer to the reality of the situation is that we have a hypothetical ten people who are all condemned to an unjust death, and I do everything I can do to save as many as possible.

To put it in WWII lingo, if I were Oscar Schindler, rescuing 100 Jews from Auschwitz, I would not be responsible for condemning the millions of Jews I didn’t save. They had already been condemned by the Nazis.

If circumstances remain unchanged, there will be about 1.3 million babies murdered this year by abortion. The US Supreme Court decisions of Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton have already condemned them. Yet the pro-life movement will attempt to save some of them through education, counseling, and legislation. But just because we can’t save them all, it doesn’t mean we killed the ones we couldn’t save.

If the [modified]South Dakota legislation passes and is enacted without legal challenge, it would statistically save about 870 babies a year, while failing to protect one baby every four years. I view this as a win, a victory, and certainly a life-affirming law for the 870 babies who will be protected from the butcher’s knife year after year after year.

Therefore, when well-intentioned pro-lifers oppose an imperfect piece of legislation, they need to be careful on what side of the aisle they stand. Planned Parenthood and the abortion cartel, (no matter what their November rhetoric was), will strictly oppose a limited ban on abortions. Will good-hearted pro-lifers side with the abortionist because their “perfect bill” can’t be passed?

Again, our philosophical position is to save every baby. But as a realist, we know that is impossible under the current circumstances. If those we can save, we should. As our mission statement says, “We are here to rescue the baby sentenced to die today.” That baby does not have time to wait for perfect legislation.
Finally, Frank Beckwith has a nice piece on balancing moral concerns with political realities. Summary: Pro-lifers need to be politically smart or risk losing any hope for legally protecting the unborn.

Friday, February 2, 2007

The Logic and Legacy of Roe v. Wade [SK]

Francis Beckwith tackles that theme in the Liberty University Law Review.

Absolute Bodily Autonomy? [SK]

If you think women have it, it's hard to disagree with the gal in this post.

HT: Wesley J. Smith

What Does it Mean to Vote Pro-Life? [SK]

...is the question Jay's excellent posts (see here and here) got me thinking about. I'd love to hear Jay, Serge, Bob, and any of our readers take a shot at it.

Here are two teasers to get the discussion started.

1) Suppose you are asked to sign a "pro-life pledge"--as I was a few years back. The pledge reads (paraphrase) "I will never vote for a congressional candidate that is not pro-life."

Do you sign?

2) Suppose at the executive level, it's Rudy versus Hillary in 08. Rudy consistently says that while he personally supports a woman's decision to choose abortion and would sign congressional bills supporting that decision, he's convinced the Court overstepped in Roe. In fact, he calls the decision "an exercise of raw judicial tyranny unworthy of a Court dedicated to interpreting the law rather than making it." He cites Alito, Roberts, Thomas, and Scalia as models of judicial restraint. Thus, he's fine with gutting Roe or even abolishing it. But if Congress then wants to federalize abortion rights at the legislative level, he'll support that effort even if the bill's provisions are every bit as permissive as Roe's.

Hillary, meanwhile, insists she'll only appoint judges who can be counted on to uphold Roe.

What's your pick? A) sit the election out, B) pick a write-in candidate with no hope of winning, C) limit the damage by going with Gulliani, D) vote for Hillary to teach the Republicans a lesson.